قدرت کا فیصلہ
اگر آپ امریکہ جائیں اور وہاں سے کناڈا کی طرف سفر کریں تو آپ دیکھیں گے کہ امریکہ اور کناڈا کی سرحد (Border) پر دونوں ملکوں کے جھنڈے ایک ساتھ لہرا رہے ہیں۔ پاس ہی ایک بورڈ ہے جس کے اوپر بڑے بڑے حرفوں میں لکھا ہوا ہے –––––– ایک ہی ماں کی اولادیں :
Children of a common mother.
یہ بات جو امریکہ اور کناڈا کی سرحد پر کھلے بورڈ کے اوپر لکھی گئی ہے ، یہی بات تمام دوسرے ملکوں کی سرحدوں پر چھپے بورڈوں میں نہ دکھائی دینے والے حرفوں میں لکھی ہوئی ہے۔ یہ دوسرا بورڈ وہ ہے جو قدرت کی طرف سے لگایا گیا ہے ۔ پہلا بورڈ انسانی ہاتھوں نے لکھا ہے،دوسرا بورڈ خود خدا کے ہاتھوں نے ۔
جدید تحقیقات جو مالے کیول حیاتیات (Molecular biology) میں ہوئی ہیں ، ان سے جنینی شہادت (Genencevidence) کے ذریعہ خالص سائنسی سطح پر یہ ثابت ہوا ہے کہ تمام دنیا کے لوگ ایک ہی عظیم خاندان : (Great family) کا حصہ ہیں۔ سب ایک ہی مشترک ماں باپ (Common ancestor) سے تعلق رکھتے ہیں(تفصیل کے لیے ملاحظہ ہو تعمیر کی طرف،صفحہ ۲۸ – ۳۰)
ایسی حالت میں گویا حقیقت واقعہ وہی ہے جو مذکورہ بورڈ پر امریکہ اور کنا ڈا کی سرحد پر نصب کی گئی ہے ۔ وہی معاملہ تمام قوموں کا ہے جس کا اعلان امریکہ اور کناڈا نے اپنے یہاں کیا ہے۔ حیاتیاتی حقیقت کا تقاضا ہے کہ ہر قوم اپنے یہاں وہی الفاظ لکھے جو امریکہ اور کناڈا نے اپنے یہاں لکھ رکھا ہے۔
یہی موجودہ دنیا میں انسان کا امتحان ہے ۔ یہاں آدمی کو اپنے آزاد ارادے سے وہی کام کرنا ہے جو قدرت نے لازمی قانون کے تحت پیشگی طور پر مقدر کر دیا ہے ۔ جو چیز قدرت نے اپنے مخفی قلم سے لکھی ہے، اسے انسان کو اپنے ہاتھ سے اپنے صفحہ ٔحیات پر لکھنا ہے۔ قدرت کے اپنے منصوبہ کے تحت چیزوں کی جو اسکیم (Scheme of things) ہے، اس کے مطابق اپنے شعور اور عمل کو ڈھال لینا ہے۔
قدرت کے نقشہ سے مطابقت کا نام تعمیر ہے اور قدرت کے نقشہ سے عدمِ مطابقت کا نام تخریب۔
New Spirit of Cooperation
UNITED NATIONS, December 6, 1988.
NIKITA KHRUSHCHEV, the last Soviet communist party leader to address the general assembly, pounded a shoe on his desk and assured Americans that "we will bury you." Mr Mikhail Gorbachov's arrival 28 years later starkly underscores the transformation in the U.S. Soviet relations since he took control of the party. In diplomatic circles today, the talk is of cooperation, mutual interests, and multilateral diplomacy. Confrontation between the capital- ist and socialist systems has taken a back seat. U.S. tycoons woo Mr Gorbachov and his staff hints at a visit to Wall Street, the antithesis of Soviet ideology. In 1960, Khrushchev was enraged over the then UN secretary-general, Mr Dag Hammarskjold's action in sending U.S. peacekeeping troops to the Congo, then a key Soviet client state. "The general assembly of 1960 was the greatest circus in the history of the United Nations," recalls Mr Brian Urquhart, who then was under secretary-general in charge of peacekeeping operations. Sometimes crude, profane and easily angered, Khrushchev created the most memorable scene in the history of U.N. debate when he interrupted a delegate's remarks by pounding a shoe on the Soviet delegation's desk for a point of order. "Khurushchev got so abusive that the Irish president of the assembly, Mr Frenddie Boland, broke the gavel in calling him to order, and the head of the gavel flew off into the general assembly," said Mr Urquhart. Mr Gorbachov is likely to provide no melodramatic fireworks. Unlike Khrushchev, Mr Gorbachov has rejected the idea that capitalism and socialism are mutually exclusive. This stress on cooperation in areas of mutual interest has been spilling over for some time into the UN.
The Soviet Union has in recent years relinquished its practice of vetoing many security council actions, and has negotiated consensus positions with the US, China, Britain and France. This new spirit of cooperation has led to the political settlement in Afghanistan and the cease-fire in the Iran-Iraq war, both of which would have been unlikely under the confrontative Soviet style of Khruschev or Mr Leonid I. Brezhnev. Under Mr Gorbachov, the Soviets have been promoting an aggressive though hazy new plan for comprehensive international security, in which the UN would play a key role in monitoring, verification and peacekeeping. Mr Gorbachov has also suggested that rulings of the world court, now merely advisory, be made binding on U.N. member nations, especially security council members. In his speech to the world body, Mr Gorbachov may expand upon previous Soviet proposals, which have included the establishment of a world space organisation, having all nations earmark troops for a standing army of U.N. peacekeepers, establishing a U.N. navy to escort commercial shipping in danger zones, and UN monitoring of disarmament and international arms sales. The US and other Western allies have lauded parts of the Soviet security proposals, but feel the whole package is too vague to endorse. A U.N. visit by a Soviet leader is a rarity –––– the foreign minister usually delivers the annual address to the general assembly. Between Khrushchev and Mr Gorbachov, the only other top-ranking Soviet visitor was premier' Alexei N. Kosygin, the head of the Soviet government apparatus but less powerful than party chief Brezhnev, who came to the UN in 1967 to support Arab complaints against Israel. Mr Kosygin held a summit with the U.S. president, Mr Lyndon B. Johnson.
The thaw in East-West relations since Mr Gorbachov's ascension to power is all the more striking when compared with the tensions that prevailed at the UN only five years ago after the Soviet downing of Korean airline flight 007, with the loss of 269 lives. The Soviet foreign minister, Mr Andrei Gromyko, planned to come to the UN to explain his country's actions, but the governors of New York and New Jersey denied permission for his plane to land at their commercial airports, and the state department insisted on a landing at a military base. Mr Gromyko cancelled his visit. In the meantime, homeless activists angered by Gorbachov's plans to visit New York city's opulent Trump Tower are inviting the Soviet president to a homeless shelter and food line to get "a more balanced and realistic view of our nation."
The Times of India, December 7, 1988.,
