Dr. Philip K. Hitti (d. 1978), a renowned scholar of the Arabic language and history, is considered an authority on Oriental issues in the Western world. He has authored several books on Arabs and Islam, many of which have been translated into European and Asian languages. Dr. Hitti held various prestigious university positions and is also known for authoring research papers for several encyclopaedias.

Professor Hitti’s book ‘Islam and the West’ was published in America in 1962. It consists of 190 pages and examines the cultural relationship between the Christian and Muslim worlds. The author relied on primary sources rather than translations. The book is divided into two parts. The first part has three chapters introducing Islam as a ‘Religion,’ ‘State,’ and ‘Culture.’ The fourth chapter discusses ‘Islam in Western Literature,’ while the fifth and sixth chapters explore the ‘Impact and Influence of the East on the West’ and ‘Impact and Influence of the West on the East’ respectively. Lastly, the seventh chapter introduces the movement that seeks to synchronize ‘Western civilization and Islam in various Muslim countries.’

The second part of the book consists of a compilation of excerpts from the Koran (the spelling Hitti uses while referring to the Quran in this book) and the teachings of Prophet Muhammad, known as Hadith, Tafsir, Islamic history, and anecdotes from the lives of various Islamic scholars. A total of 29 excerpts are included in this section.

The following is a selection from the fourth chapter titled “Islam in Western Literature,” quoted from Hitti’s book:

“The preceding chapters have presented a distinctive portrayal of Muhammad, the characterisation of the Koran, and the depiction of Islam, which sharply contrasts with their counterparts in medieval Western literature. In that literature, the Prophet is typically depicted as an imposter, a false prophet, while the Koran is portrayed as his ambitious fabrication and Islam as an indulgent way of life, both in this world and the next.

Religion held significant importance in both Christendom and the Muslim world during those times. Each side claimed exclusivity and perfection for its religion, asserting it as the sole repository of absolute truth. However, the clash of ideologies was overshadowed by the more impactful clash of politico-military forces.

For a period of 150 years following Muhammad’s time, as we have previously learned, his Arabian and Arab followers, initially from Medina, Damascus, and later Baghdad, expanded their dominion by conquering Byzantine territories and occasionally threatening the very gates of the Eastern capital of Christendom. Over a span of four centuries, until the fall of Constantinople in 1453, Muslim Seljuq and Ottoman Turks posed a significant threat to the powerful neighbouring Christian empire. Moreover, for nearly eight centuries, starting from 711, Muslims held a portion of Spain and occasionally launched incursions into France. Sicily remained under Muslim control for over two hundred years and was a strategic stronghold against Italy. Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Europeans fought as Crusaders on Muslim lands. The memories of past Crusades persisted, and hopes for future ones lingered for generations.

Zoroastrianism, Buddhism, and other religions of lesser development did not experience the same level of abuse and condemnation as Muhammadanism (Islam) did. These religions did not pose a threat to the medieval West and did not offer any competition. Consequently, it was primarily fear, hostility, and prejudice that influenced the Western perception of Islam and shaped its attitude. Islamic beliefs were viewed as beliefs of the enemy and, therefore, were treated with suspicion if not outright dismissed as false.

Additionally, there was a significant linguistic barrier. For approximately six centuries after establishing military and political contacts between Christendom and the Islamic world, Europe lacked organised institutions for a formal study of the Arabic language, the Koranic language. Throughout that period, there is no record of any European Latin scholar who had a comprehensive understanding of Arabic and firsthand knowledge of Islam. This absence allowed legends and myths to fill the void left by the lack of knowledge.”

The Image of Islam in Early Christendom

The vast array of traditions that influenced the medieval and early modern Christendom’s perception of Islam was a blend of various sources found in Syro-Byzantine, Hispano- French, Siculo-Italian, and Crusading literature, both oral and written. Clerics and theologians were skilled in the art of crafting narratives. It is important to note that any similarities between the resulting image and the historical reality of Islam are purely coincidental.

The renowned Syrian Theologian St. John of Damascus (d. 749) can be regarded as the pioneer of the Byzantine tradition. A young John had been present at the early Umayyad court and possessed knowledge of Arabic, Syriac, and Greek. He stood out among intellectuals of his time. In his two dialogues, titled “Between a Christian and a Saracen,” it is evident that John drew upon debates he participated in in the presence of the caliph. These dialogues served as a powerful defence of Christianity and a guide for Christians in their discussions with Muslims.

John portrayed Islam as a form of idolatrous worship centred around a false prophet who developed his teachings based on biblical sources with the guidance of an Arian monk. This depiction was closely linked to the notion of Muhammad as a heresiarch. The early Christian scholars, including John, found primitive Islam to bear striking similarities to Christianity yet viewed it as fundamentally different, justifying its classification as a heresy. This was one of the earliest and most enduring Christian perspectives on Islam. Dante (d. 1321) placed Muhammad and Ali in the ninth circle of hell, reserved for “sowers of scandal and schism,” reflecting his condemnation of them.

The first notable Byzantine figure to mention Muhammad and address Islam was the chronicler Theophanes the Confessor (ca. 758-818). Theophanes, who founded a monastery and later received canonization, included references to Muhammad in his work ‘Chronographia.’ Without citing specific sources, Theophanes followed the teachings of St. John and referred to Muhammad as “the ruler of the Saracens and a pseudo-prophet.” It was a natural progression from this characterization to associate Muhammad with the antichrist figure.

During the same period, a Dominican contemporary of Dante, who had visited Baghdad, put forth a theory. According to this theory, Satan, unable to halt the progress of Christianity in the East, devised a scripture as a hybrid between the Old and New Testaments. He used a man with a diabolical nature as his instrument, and that man was Muhammad. The scripture in question was the Koran.

Abd al-Masih bin Ishaq al-Kindi authored the earliest comprehensive polemic that gained popularity in Spain. It was purportedly written during the Abbasid court of al- Mamun (r. 813-833), although it likely emerged a century later. The context of this polemic was a written invitation to al-Kindi, extended by a descendant of the Prophet who was in close proximity to the caliph, to convert to Islam. This invitation provided an opportunity for the Christian Arab al-Kindi to defend Christianity and criticize Islam.

Contrary to expectations, al-Kindi directed his focus on the vulnerabilities of Islam, portraying Muhammad as a morally indulgent murderer. He depicted the Koran as a compilation of fabricated revelations and characterized Islam as a religion spread through deceit, violence, and enticing immoral practices. This perspective can be found in Reading No. 15. Similar to St. John, al-Kindi was an Oriental Christian, belonging to a subjugated community living under specific disadvantages. Both of their works, after being translated, exerted significant and long-lasting influence throughout the Western world.

It was only natural that the Muslim conquest and occupation of the Iberian Peninsula would fuel an enduring sense of bitterness and hostility among Spanish Christian authors, particularly those of a clerical background. A church deacon and translator of the Koran named Mark of Toledo, who thrived in the late twelfth century, expressed a typical sentiment: the place where “many priests had once offered divine worship to God” was now tainted by the devotion of wicked individuals to the detestable Muhammad, and churches that were once consecrated by the hands of bishops were now desecrated places of worship.

The intellectual atmosphere at that time was so strongly anti- Muhammadan that even stories could be readily accepted and perpetuated, no matter how fantastical or lacking in factual basis. For instance, Eulogius, a bishop of Cordova renowned for his scholarship, recounts a tale from a Latin manuscript a monk wrote. According to this account, upon Muhammad’s death, his followers anxiously awaited the descent of angels to carry away his body. However, dogs appeared instead and consumed it. This story was believed to be the origin of the annual slaughter of a significant number of dogs by Muslims.

Living in the Islamic stronghold of Spain, Eulogius would have easily recognized the only element of truth in the entire fable: the Muslim perception of dogs as unclean animals. Eulogius was a prominent figure in a fervent religious movement that advocated voluntary martyrdom at the hands of Muslims, a fate he ultimately experienced in 859 under the order of the Umayyad caliph.

From Latin, the story of the dogs consuming Muhammad’s body found its way into French literature. In an early French epic poem called “La Chanson de Roland”, both swine and dogs are depicted as devouring Mahumet (Muhammad). The swine version gained popularity as it provided a simplistic explanation for the Koranic prohibition on pork consumption. Another variant of the story suggests that the swine took their opportunity while the victim was unconscious during an epileptic fit. Yet another version substitutes drunkenness for epilepsy, serving the dual purpose of explaining the Koranic injunction against alcohol consumption.

In a later edition, Muhammad’s coffin was depicted as suspended in mid-air between heaven and earth. This portrayal persisted until 1503 when Ludovico di Varthema, the first European visitor born into Christianity to visit Makkah and Madinah, expressed surprise at not finding the suspended coffin. Di Varthema, who converted to Islam and joined the holy pilgrimage, substituted the coffin fable with a strange piece of misinformation: “Babacher [referring to Abu Bakr, the first caliph] was a cardinal and wanted to be Pope.” Other unreliable sources even portrayed Muhammad himself as a cardinal.

The anti-Muslim sentiment reached its peak during the Crusading period of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, solidifying the deeply ingrained image of Islam. This Islamic stereotype became so entrenched that it became challenging to eradicate. As the Crusaders failed to eliminate Islam through military conquest, a new approach emerged: to destroy it through persuasion. The idea was to replace eviction with conviction, giving rise to the missionary movement.

The Carmelite friar order was founded by a Crusader in 1154 on Mount Carmel, from which it derived its name. The Franciscans followed the Carmelites, and in 1219, St. Francis of Assisi visited Cairo and initiated Franciscan missionary activities. In the same year, his followers arrived in Acre. However, the most influential missionary of the era, and indeed medieval Europe, was Raymond Lull, a Spanish (Catalan) church figure. Born around 1232 and died in 1315, Lull devoted his talents and tireless energy to the “refutation of infidel errors.”

Lull meticulously planned spiritual crusades to convert Muslims. His unwavering belief in the power of argumentation and polemic debates remained steadfast until his death. In preparation for his mission, he studied Arabic and taught it at the Franciscan monastery he established in Miramar in 1276. His knowledge of Arabic and understanding of Islam were unparalleled at that time.

Following the establishment of the Arabic Studies School in Toledo in 1250, Lull’s school became the oldest in Europe, earning him the distinction of being a pioneer of Arabic studies in the Western world. Moreover, he is credited with influencing the Council ofVienne in 1311 to establish centres of Oriental studies, particularly Arabic, in Rome, Bologna, Paris, Louvain, Oxford, and Salamanca. However, the implementation of this resolution proved more challenging than anticipated. Finding both teachers and students proved to be difficult. Lull’s educational efforts yielded temporary rather than lasting results, and his missionary activity in Tunisia proved disappointing.

His attempts to instil Christian Trinitarian doctrine in the minds of unitarian Muslims proved futile. Eventually, he resorted to vehement attacks, shouting in the streets, “The law of the Christians is holy, and that of the Moors is false.” This only fuelled the anger of a mob in Tunis, who attacked him and stoned him to death, turning him into a martyr.

The Koran Translated

An earlier breakthrough in the linguistic barrier between Christendom and Islam occurred in France with the translation of the Koran into Latin, making it the first foreign language into which the holy book was translated. This translation was undertaken around 1141 under the guidance of Peter the Venerable, the head of Cluny’s Benedictine abbey. The team of translators consisted of three Christians and an Arab collaborator. In addition to the translation, Peter also composed a “refutation of the beliefs of Muhammadans.” Following this translation, a French rendition of the Koran was published in Paris in 1649 by Sieur du Ryer, who had previously served as the French consul in Alexandria. In the same year, an English translation titled “The Alcoran of Mahomet” was also published, aiming to satisfy the curiosity of those interested in exploring what was referred to as “Turkish vanities.” The term “Mahomet,” a corruption of Muhammad, has various forms and spellings, with “Muhammad” having the most variations at forty- one. This particular translation is commonly attributed to Alexander Ross. With the decline of the Moors in Spain, the Ottoman Turks emerged as the primary champions of the Islamic faith. Initially, Martin Luther believed that the Turks could be seen as a divine punishment for the sins of Christendom, but when they besieged Vienna in 1529, he changed his stance and preached the necessity of waging war against them as infidels.

The first English translation of the Koran directly from the original Arabic was completed in 1734 by George Sale. Sale had privately studied Arabic under two Syrians, one from Aleppo and another from Damascus, and the Society employed him to promote Christian Knowledge in London. Sale’s translation was dominant in the English-speaking world for more than a century.

The early translations of the Islamic holy book into Latin, Spanish, and French were accompanied by unequivocally condemnatory statements. However, these statements should not be taken as a true reflection of the sincere opinions of the translators. Such statements were likely to be included to seek ecclesiastical permission for publication and to protect the translators from accusations of heresy or potential prosecution for disseminating blasphemous material. In 1960, the Egyptian government still considered Sale’s translation to contain objectionable comments in his “Preliminary Discourse,” resulting in orders to withdraw copies from the library of the American University at Cairo.

In the Field of English Literature

A significant development occurred in the early seventeenth century when Oxford University established a new chair of Arabic and appointed Edward Pocock (also known as Pococke) as its inaugural professor in 1636. Pocock had served as a chaplain for six years at the English factory of the Levant Company in Aleppo, where he gained proficiency in Arabic and firsthand knowledge of Islam. During this time, the threat posed by Turkey to Christian Europe had diminished, and the Ottoman Empire opened up for trade and travel. While there is little evidence of English visitors to Persia before the latter half of the sixteenth century (Venetians had been there since the fifteenth century), the creation of the Oxford chair marked the emergence of professional European Arabism. As its first occupant, Edward Pocock was arguably the most prominent Arabist of the century. He edited and translated Arabic manuscripts, introducing a critical approach to Islamic material. Pocock debunked the widely accepted tale of the suspended coffin, stating that Muslims laughed at it, recognizing it as a Christian invention. He also questioned the famous story that the founder of Islam had trained a white pigeon to sit on his shoulder, pick grains from his ear, and pass for an angel dictating to him. This story persisted until the nineteenth century. In Shakespeare’s play Henry VI, there is a passage (Act I, Scene ii, lines 140-141) that alludes to the contrasting inspiration of Mahomet with a dove which is described in these lines:

“We Mahomet inspired by a dove,
Thou with an angle art inspired then.”

Long before Shakespeare, John Lydgate (d. ca. 1451), an early English poet, provided a detailed account of Muhammad’s life and even mentioned the colour of the dove associated with him, describing it as “milk white.” Interestingly, in the eighteenth century, bird enthusiasts named a pigeon breed “Maumet” (derived from Muhammad). It is worth noting that the dove holds significance as a Christian symbol representing the Holy Ghost (Luke 3:22) and does not carry any specific Islamic connotation.

The term “Maumet” was also used to refer to an idol. Although Muhammad demolished numerous idols at the Kabah, his followers strictly adhered to monotheism, rejecting the use of idols, images, or icons. Western storytellers depicted him as a deity and an idol. In medieval English encyclical plays, Mahoun (a variation of Muhammad) is repeatedly portrayed as an object of worship. Some mystery plays even included complete religious services dedicated to him. This portrayal of Muhammad as a god was present even before the Turks and Saracens, the groups associated with him in later centuries.

“Maumet” eventually came to be associated with the meaning of a puppet or doll. Shakespeare used this term and popularized it further. Additionally, not only “Maumet” but even “Alkaron” (Koran) were depicted as objects of worship among Muslims. It is claimed that the Saracens, before their conversion, performed elaborate rituals involving burning frankincense and blowing brass horns before their idols. One such idol mentioned is Apollo. According to La Chanson de Roland, after their supposed “defeat” at the Battle of Saragossa in 778 by Charlemagne’s troops, the Saracen army expressed their fury by attacking and destroying their god Apollo’s idol.

Another renowned writer from the Elizabethan era, Francis Bacon, refers to Muhammad as a “Mountebank.” He mentions this in his essay “Of Boldness” as follows:

“Mahomet (Muhammad) convinced the people that he possessed the power to summon a hill to come to him so that he could pray from its top for his followers. A crowd gathered to witness this event. Mahomet repeatedly called upon the hill to approach him, but when the hill remained motionless, he showed no sign of embarrassment or hesitation. Instead, he confidently declared, ‘If the hill does not come to Mahomet, Mahomet will go to the hill.’”

Muhammad’s famous quotation has become a widely recognized proverb, although its origins cannot be traced back to Islamic tradition. However, not all medieval writers unquestioningly embraced the prevailing anti-Muhammad sentiments and the associated clichés. William of Tripoli, a Syrian-born Dominican bishop during the Crusades, authored a treatise titled “Tractus de statu Saracenorum” in 1270, which acknowledged Muhammad as a false prophet but minimized the inclusion of fantastical elements and derogatory expressions. William highlighted points of agreement between Islam and Christianity in this scholarly work. He advocated for the use of missionaries rather than soldiers in reclaiming the Holy Land, similar to his contemporary Raymond Lull. Lancelot Addison, a former chaplain of the English forces in Algiers, anonymously published “The First State of Mahumedism: or An Account of the Author and Doctrines of that Imposture” in London in 1679. In this publication, Addison consciously made an effort to avoid the incorporation of myths and legends that had become associated with Muhammad and Islam. Occasionally, he presented the fabulous version of an incident and its corresponding historical facts.

Humphrey Prideaux, D. D., the Dean of Norwich and a contemporary of Addison, authored a comprehensive biography of Muhammad that employed various translated Arabic sources and Hebrew, Aramaic, Greek, and Latin sources while applying critical analysis. He dismisses the pigeon story and “many other such Stories” as lacking any foundation or likelihood of truth, stating that the Arabians would have easily seen through such tricks. Nevertheless, the central theme of the book asserted that Islam was a perfect example of a fraudulent religion. This biography remained a standard reference in the West for over a century.

In the eighteenth century, a more tolerant attitude began to emerge. Western Arabists had translated more reliable sources of information; travellers and traders had returned with more favourable impressions; and diplomats and missionaries had contributed to the overall knowledge. George Sandys, a traveller, and colonist who visited Constantinople, Egypt, and Palestine and documented his journey in 1615, praised various Turkish expressions of piety, including their practice of almsgiving, which extended even to Christians and Jews.

In general, travellers relied more on conventional knowledge rather than firsthand experience, while missionaries carried preconceived biases, often interacting primarily with Oriental Christians who were unlikely to offer unbiased perspectives. Unconsciously, missionaries painted a darker picture of Islam, aiming to generate sympathy and support for their cause. Even specialized professors struggled to overcome the weight of inherited tradition. In 1784, Reverend Joseph White, a successor of Pocock, delivered the renowned Bampton lectures, which aimed to confirm and strengthen the Christian faith while refuting heretics and schismatics. One of his lectures focused on Islam, specifically addressing “Mahomet’s imposture.” More recently, distinguished scholars such as William Muir, author of “The Life of Mahomet and The Caliphate: Its Rise, Decline and Fall,” David S. Margoliouth, author of “Mohammed and the Rise of Islam,” and “The Early Development of Mohammedanism,” and Henri Lammens, who wrote “Mahomet fut-il sincère?” at the Université Saint-Joseph of Beirut, have shown traces of outdated ideas.

A New Trend Emerged in Recent Times

Historians and essayists presented a more favourable view of Muhammad, the Koran, and Islam than theologians, novelists, and poets. One notable figure in this regard is Simon Ockley, a professor of Arabic at Cambridge University, who authored a two-volume “History of the Saracens” (1708- 1718). Before Ockley, most historians focused on the Turks, often portraying them as the “terror of the world.” Ockley, however, began his history with the death of Muhammad, leaving his life to be covered by Prideaux. Although Ockley used terms like “the great impostor” to refer to Muhammad and equated “the superstition” with Islam, he displayed fairness and impartiality in his treatment of certain historical events. For example, when recounting the conquest of Syria, he contrasted the honourable conduct of Abu-Bakr’s army, which followed instructions not to harm women, children, palm trees, or crops, with the rapine and treachery displayed by the Byzantine defenders. Ockley’s book gained considerable recognition and was the primary source for Arab history until Gibbon’s rise to prominence.

Edward Gibbon, a key figure in shaping modern English historiography, dedicated a chapter (Chapter 50, published in volume V of his renowned work “The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire,” London, 1788) to the subject of Muhammad and Islam. However, he did not significantly alter or expand upon existing knowledge on the topic. In the opening paragraph, Gibbon acknowledges his “total ignorance of the Oriental tongues” and eloquently presents familiar themes without making any original contributions. His primary sources include Ockley and Prideaux, as expected. Like Pocock, he dismisses the pigeon tale as lacking credibility (Note 166). In discussing the character of Muhammad, Gibbon highlights excessive enthusiasm as a dominant trait but notes the perilous and slippery nature of the transition from enthusiasm to imposture. It is commendable that Gibbon contextualized Islam within the broader world perspective, and his treatment of the subject continues to exert some influence even in contemporary times.

In terms of his historical writings, Voltaire displayed more restraint than his works as a playwright. In his “Essai sur les mœurs et l’esprit des nations” (1756), he aligned with the emerging spirit of tolerance, drawing comparisons between Muhammad and Cromwell regarding fanaticism and courage. However, he attributed far greater accomplishments to Muhammad than to the Lord Protector of England (Cromwell). In contrast, his “tragedy Le Fanatisme, ou Mahomet le prophète” (1742) depicted the protagonist, dressed in medieval attire, as an impostor, tyrant, and libertine. Voltaire’s critique of Islam was a natural extension of his critique of religion. Nonetheless, he acknowledged that the Koran contains passages that may appear sublime. Voltaire relied on English sources, especially Sale’s translation of the Koran, as he had resided in England and acquired proficiency in the language.

Goethe, the German poet (1749-1832), surpassed Voltaire in embracing the modern spirit and adopting a new international perspective. From an early stage in his life, Goethe was captivated by Oriental literary forms and themes, embarking on a poetic play based on Muhammad’s life, which he unfortunately never completed. As a man of letters, Goethe found it difficult to accept that the Prophet of Arabia was an impostor. His work “West-östlicher Divan” included a Latin translation of a pre-Islamic Arab ballad on vengeance. However, Persian literature truly enchanted Goethe and other German poet-scholars. As early as 1656, Sadi’s “Gulistan” had been translated into German by Olearius, who translated Sadi’s “Bostan” (The Orchard) from Dutch. Extracts from the Gulistan, believed to have been translated from a Turkish version, had been rendered into French in 1634 by du Ryer, the translator of the Koran. In recent years, Sadi’s two works have been translated more frequently into English than any other language. This is particularly evident with the Gulistan (rose garden), described by the author as having leaves that “cannot be touched by the tyranny of autumnal blasts, and the delights of whose spring the vicissitudes of time will be unable to change.”

The works of another notable Persian poet, Hafiz, were translated into German by von Hammer in 1812. Goethe found the wisdom, piety, and peace he believed the Western world needed in Hafiz. He aspired to cosmopolitanism in German literature and cherished an ideal of Weltliteratur (world literature). During this period, the romantic school increasingly turned away from classical themes and embraced Oriental subjects and ideas, which resonated more naturally with their sensibilities.

Herder, a friend and compatriot of Goethe, was a philosopher and man of letters who shared a fascination with Hafiz and Sadi. He produced rhymed paraphrases of some Gulistan stories between 1761 and 1764. Herder’s interest in theology and Hebrew poetry drew him towards the East, although he had no command of Islamic languages and relied on translations, particularly those by the English Orientalist and jurist Sir William Jones.

Jones, known for his mastery of numerous European and Asiatic languages, had created a French metrical translation of the works of Hafiz in 1772. Before that, he had introduced Hafiz to the English literary world by publishing “A Persian Song.” Since then, more up-to-date and comprehensive translations of the works of Hafiz have been produced. Jones also translated the seven pre-Islamic Arabic odes and selected pieces from Sanskrit and later Indian literature. His major works, “Poems, Consisting chiefly of Translations from the Asiatick Languages” (1772) and “Poesos Asiaticae Commentarioum”, were instrumental in fostering a deeper understanding. In 1784, Jones established the Bengal Asiatic Society, of which he served as president until he died in Calcutta ten years later.

Centuries before the flourishing of Sadi and Hafiz, there was Firdawsi (940-1020), whose magnificent epic remained relatively unknown in Europe until the nineteenth century. Firdawsi dedicated approximately thirty years of his life to crafting the Shah-Namah (Book of Kings), a monumental work of world literature consisting of 60,000 couplets. The Shah-Namah narrates and exalts the historical and legendary exploits of Iranian kings and heroes, from Adam to the Arab conquests. This account served as a wellspring of inspiration for subsequent Persian poets and nationalists, and in the nineteenth century, it was translated into English, German, French, and Italian, thus gaining wider recognition.

An eighteenth-century translation that may not have possessed literary greatness but had a lasting and extensive impact was that of the “Arabian Nights.” The initial rendition into French by Antoine Galland as “Les Mille et une nuit” spanned twelve volumes (1704-1717), followed by a partial translation from French into English in 1712 and a complete translation in 1778. Although incomplete, the first significant direct translation from Arabic was undertaken by William Lane (London, 1839-1841), and the Arabian Nights effortlessly captured the imagination of readers, establishing itself as the most beloved work of Oriental literature. It saw approximately thirty English and French editions throughout the eighteenth century, and since then, it has been published countless times. For ordinary readers, these folk tales from a different realm provided an escape from the harsh realities of life. Ballet dancers found in them novel themes and approaches, while for all readers, they offered a departure from common sense and the cold logic of reason, immersing them in a world where fantasy became a reality. Consequently, these tales stood in opposition to classical literature, aligning with the spirit of the romantic movement. Complemented by an increasing body of travel literature, these Oriental tales painted a vivid, enchanting, exotic, and enigmatic image of the Islamic world, drawing it closer to the hearts and minds of Westerners.

By the mid-nineteenth century, a noticeable shift had occurred in the scholarly view of Islamic culture, thanks to the efforts of English and French professors and further supported by German poets and intellectuals. This change in perspective became increasingly evident. Thomas Carlyle’s decision to portray Muhammad as the hero and prophet in his writings was both indicative of this new trend and an acceleration of it. In Carlyle’s interpretation, there is a notable absence of discordant elements; in fact, it could be criticized for its lack of critical analysis. Such kinds of discussions that Muhammad was a deceitful impostor and that his religion was a baseless fabrication to be untenable were not acceptable to Carlyle. His portrayal of Muhammad had to be that of a true, genuine hero.

The material presented below gives some information on Islam in Western literature.

1. Latin translation in Migne Patrologiae Graecae, Vol. XCIV (Paris, 1860), cols. 1585-1598; vol. XCVI (1864), cols. 1335-1348.
2. Inferno, XXVIII, 31-32.
3. See, “Theodor”, Bibliander, Historiae Saracenorum in Machvometis Saracenorum principis ([Zurich), 1550), pp. 3-6.
4. Lydgate’s Fall of Princes, ed. Henry Bergen, Part III (Washington, 1923), p. 921.
5. Romeo and Juliet, III, v, 184; I Henry IV, II, iii, 88.
6. Works of Francis Bacon, Vol. II (London, 1824), p. 279.
7. The True Nature of Imposture fully Display’d in the Life of Mahomet, 8th ed. (London, 1723), p. 38.

8. George Sandys, A Relation of a Journey Begun An. Dom. 1610, 2nd ed. (London, 1621), p. 57.
9. Joseph White, Sermons Preached before the University of Oxford in 1784 (Oxford, 1784), p. 171.

For more on Islam in the literature of the West, consult Samuel C. Chew’s The Crescent and the Rose (New York, 1937); Norman Daniel Islam and the West (Edinburgh, 1960); Byron P. Smith, Islam in English Literature (Beirut, 1939).

10. In Recherches de science religieuse, Vol. II (Paris, 1911), pp. 25-53, 140-166.
11. Simon Ockley, The History of the Saracens, 5th ed. (London, 1848), pp. 94 seq. Ralph Waldo Emerson commented on Ockley’s account of prodigies of individual valour in his “Heroism,” Essays, first series (Boston, 1861), p. 226.
12. Oeuvres complètes de Voltaire, Vol. XXIV (Paris, 1828), p. 325.
13. Oeuvres, Vol. XIX (Paris, 1827), p. 443.
14. (Stuttgart, 1819), pp. 253 seq.
15. Thomas Carlyle, On Heroes, Hero-Worship and the Heroic in History (London, 1897), p. 43.

For more information on Islam in the Western literature, refer to Islam and the West, Islam in the Western Literature, pp 48-63.

Note: In the book, the author P. K. Hitti uses the spelling ‘Koran’ for the Quran.

The Author’s Comment

The above chapter of the book, ‘Islam and the West,’ highlights the blasphemous activities carried out by some Christians during medieval times to distort the image of the Prophet of Islam. This serves as an example of the harsh treatment that prophets have historically faced. The messengers of God were champions of truth, standing against deception and falsehood. Consequently, they encountered strong opposition from their contemporaries. After the prophets passed away, their teachings were heavily distorted, making obtaining reliable information about their lives and messages exceedingly difficult.

The Prophet of Islam faced similar treatment but in its most severe form. His adversaries spared no effort to defame his character and distort his message.

However, there is a notable distinction between the situation of earlier prophets and that of Prophet Muhammad. The adversaries of the prophets preceding the Prophet of Islam were successful in distorting their life stories and the messages they conveyed. As a result, it is challenging to find reliable historical accounts about these previous prophets, except for what is documented in the Quran. However, the case of the Prophet of Islam is different. Despite the hostile activities carried out by his opponents, all their efforts were rendered futile.

Therefore, despite the blasphemous activities, the history of Prophet Muhammad and the text of his teachings have been fully preserved. This is a significant matter, providing